LESSON 19

SPEECH BEFORE THE VIRGINIA CONVENTION

在弗吉尼亚制宪大会上的演讲

Patrick Henry, 1736-1799, was born in Hanover County, Virginia. He received instruction in Latin and mathematics from his father, but seemed to develop a greater fondness for hunting, fishing, and playing the fiddle than for study. Twice he was set up in business, and twice failed before he was twenty-four. He was then admitted to the bar after six weeks’ study of the law. He got no business at first in his profession, but lived with his father-in-law. His wonderful powers of oratory first showed themselves in a celebrated case which he argued in Hanover Courthouse, his own father being the presiding magistrate. He began very awkwardly, but soon rose to a surprising height of eloquence, won his case against great odds, and was carried off in triumph by the delighted spectators. His fame was now established; business flowed in, and he was soon elected to the Virginia Legislature, He was a delegate to the Congress of 1774, and in 1775 made the prophetic speech of which the following selection is a portion. It was an his own motion that the “colony be immediately put in a state of defense.” During the Revolution he was, for several years, Governor of Virginia. In 1788 he earnestly opposed the adoption of the Federal Constitution. When he died, he left a large family and an ample fortune. In person, Mr. Henry was tall and rather awkward, with a face stern and grave. When he spoke on great occasions, his awkwardness forsook him, his face lighted up, and his eyes flashed with a wonderful fire. In his life, he was good-humored, honest, and temperate. His patriotism was of the noblest type; and few men in those stormy times did better service for their country than he.

It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past; and, judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not: it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves, how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves. These are the implements of war and subjugation,— the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask, gentlemen, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us into submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? We have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light in which it was capable; but it has been all in vain.

Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, deceive ourselves longer. We have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves at the foot of the throne, and implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending; if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, we must fight! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts, is all that is left us.

They tell us that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? We are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.

Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable; and, let it come! I repeat it, let it come!

It is in vain to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace, peace; but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death.

【中文阅读】

一个人沉浸于希望的错觉中是再自然不过的事情了。对痛苦的真理，我们倾向于闭上眼睛，聆听塞壬企图将我们变为畜类的魅惑之歌。难道这是为了自由而不惜进行艰苦卓绝斗争的智者所为吗？难道我们心甘情愿成为有眼无珠，充耳不闻，只关心自己的灵魂暂时得到拯救的那种人吗？就我而言，不论付出多少血的代价，我都想知道整个实情。哪怕是最坏的情况，也要为之做好准备。

能指引我前进的只有一盏灯，那就是经验之灯。我清楚仅凭过去的经验根本无法对未来做出判断，我渴望知道在过去十年里英国内阁的做法，是否可以作为判断绅士们心底所存的聊以自慰的希望的依据？他们收到我们最近发出的请愿书后，他们在暗自窃笑，这就是我们希望得到的结果吗？但愿不是。这证实我们束缚住了自己的手脚。被背叛后不是一个吻就能了事的。我们不妨扪心自问，对我们的请愿书这种得体的接受是如何使切断我们的水源，以及令我们的土地陷入暗无天日的战争准备显得冠冕堂皇的。对需要爱和和解的事业，难道战舰和军队是必要的吗？难道我们的做法显得对和解如此不情愿，以至于必须动用军事力量来赢得我们的爱吗？我们不要自欺了。这些都是战争和镇压的工具而已，争论最后的焦点是必须诉诸于王权。

尊敬的先生们，我倒要问一下，如果英国人的目的不是强迫我们服从的话，那么这种战争安排意味着什么？有谁能说出还有其他可能的动机？在这个世界上除了大不列颠还有哪个敌人会集结这么多的军舰和军队？没有，能这么做的只有它。他们是在向我们示意：他们除了动武以外，没有别的选择。他们被派到这儿来捆绑然后给我们套上枷锁，要知道英国政府长久以来一直在为我们锻造这些枷锁。我们除了反抗，还能做什么？难道我们极力抗辩吗？在这十年里我们一直在争辩，可是有用吗？对于这个主题我们还能提出什么新的解决办法吗？不能。每个可能的解决办法我们都尝试过了，但是所有的一切都证明徒劳无益。

难道我们要祈求和卑下地哀求吗？我们还有什么没有穷尽的办法吗？没有了。我恳求诸位，不要在欺骗自己了。为防止暴风雨的到来，我们所能做的一切都做了。我们已经请愿了；我们已经抗议过了；我们已经在王权的脚下拜倒过了，乞求它的干预能够制止政府和国会伸出残暴的手。我们的请愿受到轻蔑；我们的抗议则导致变本加厉的暴力和伤害；我们的乞求没人理会；我们拜倒在王权脚下得到的结果就是遭到唾弃。

在所有这一切都徒劳无益后，我们仍然抱有和平与和解的希望。现在看来，希望已化为泡影。唯愿我们渴望自由；唯愿我们本意是维持那些长久以来我们一直为之争取的无法衡量的权利；唯愿我们的本意不是下贱地放弃我们长久以来一直致力，以及一直告诫自己绝对不能放弃，直到我们争取的光荣目标获得实现的高尚的斗争——我们必须战斗！我再重复一遍，我们必须战斗！对战争和战神的呼吁，是我们所能做的一切。

他们告诉我们说，我们是弱小的。无法与如此可怕的对手一较高下。可是，我们什么时候才能变得强大起来呢？是接下来的几个星期还是明年？难道是当我们完全解除武装的时候，以及每家每户的门前都站着一个英国士兵的时候吗？难道我们犹豫不决和无所事事就会强大起来吗？难道我们凭天由命和抱定虚妄的希望，直到我们的敌人束缚住我们的手脚，就会获得有效的抵抗手段吗？我们并不弱小，唯愿我们能适当运用造物主赋予我们旨在加强我们力量的那些手段。

三百万人民，为了获得自由的神圣事业而武装起来，我们只要拥有这样一个国家，不管敌人派来什么样的武装力量都无法战胜我们。况且，我们不是一个人在战斗。还有主宰着国家命运的上帝，以及那些为了我们奋勇投入战斗的朋友们。这场战争比的不单是谁的力量强大，而是取决于谁能保持清醒，谁更主动以及谁更勇敢无畏。除此之外，我们没有别的选择。倘若我们过于怯懦，那么要想现在退出的话已经太迟了。除了屈服和奴役，没有别的退路！我们的枷锁已经锻造好了。在波士顿的旷野上，他们手中武器的叮当声已经可以听到！战争是无法避免了，那么干脆让它来好了！我再重复一遍，让它来好了！

低估或者藐视事态的严重性徒劳无益。那些绅士们也许会呼吁和平，但是和平是不存在的。战争实际上已经开始。席卷北方的下一场圈地之战已经让我们的耳畔响起武器的铮铮回响声！我们的同胞已经奔赴战场！我们为什么还傻傻地站在这儿发呆？那些绅士们想要得到什么结果？他们会得到什么结果呢？是高贵的生活还是可爱的和平，这些难道能在铁链和奴役下买得到吗？让他们抛弃这个幻想吧，万能的上帝！我不晓得别人会怎么做，至于我而言，不自由，毋宁死。